DEVIL CITY

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I visit devil city, loveliest ruined city in sea coast,

All souls fled in 1964 with weave, and invasion swept for no cost;

Amidst weaves bowers thy tyrant’s invisible hand,

Suddenly turned into graves, saddens all green island:

I talk to deadly souls, they only knew after life it should happened;

Creator decided his plan, which human know not what will happen.

People turn the devil city into tourism but her soul warn,

My island, my people would controlled my nature she warned.

Confused to happy or cloaked in a sunny weave but I recall;

All the history make the world more beautiful when I recollect.

Moldering wall welcoming strongly like a dying soldier;

Everybody feels home in scary eyes examined by old soldiers.

The guard-men herd the hollow echoing sound;

Islander choice is ready go with the sound.

Around the island is fishes home but hard to get what they deserved;

Water is surrounded the island but they hardly find water like in desert.

Film star dance for depart soul in the devil city and her fames grows;

Beauty speak the sweetest sound where the islander can’t denied her growth.

I tested the water and sand; gives the reality of her best companion;

They think me as foreigner, but we all belong to mother Earth in my opinion.

I hard not the birth singing nor the fishes playing, but the sea weave always does;

I know the joyful beautiful girl enjoying in the weave, even the weave is happy what she does.

Her beauty is design in an artless way, her joys compared to happiest moment of her memories,

The sprinkler of her joys passes to all, and our tour always in my memories.

TANGKHUL

Tangkhuls  – Ukhrul district is the home of the Tangkhuls. Tangkhul is a Naga tribe living in the Indo-Myanmar border area occupying Ukhrul district in Manipur, India, and the Somra Tangkhul hills in Myanmar. Although the Tangkhul Naga tribe speaks more than a hundred dialects, the common lingua franca is the Hunphun (Ukhrul) dialect. Tangkhuls are now spread across the globe for studies,job,business etc. Tankgkhul are peace loving people. All Tangkhul are 100% Christians and it has a strongest based for Naga Nationalism. There are many scholars, educated men and intellects in Tangkhul community, they contribute to the society in many way. All the Tangkhul are nationalist and religious. TangkhulTangkhulTangkhulTangkhul

ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORD NAGALIM AND KUKNALIM

What is Kuknalim?

The word ‘LIM’ was first coined during the days of NNC with the formation of KUKNALIM derive from two dialects, “KUK” derived from tenyidie word “KUO” victory and “NA” as people and “LIM” from Ao Nagadialect “LIMAH” as land.

Thus, “KUKNALIM” in its fullest terms, VICTORY TO OUR PEOPLE AND LAND.

  1. Imchen writes, “The word Kuknalim has been coined by Late.  Takatemsu and its purely an Ao derivative.  Kuk-short for takok (previously takuk), meaning victory Na-short for naga, Lim-short for Lima, meaning land, which means Takuk naga lima asoshi, which interpreted in english means victory to Nagaland. ‘Kuo’ and ‘takuk’ which both means victory should not be confused with the origin”

In 1982, when Z.Lohe became the president of NSF (also former Speaker of Nagaland state Legislature) resolved a new theme of NSF “for a greater lim and glory of the Nagas”. Later in 1993, when Mr. K.Temjen became the president of NSF and Mr.Theja Therieah as the Speaker, the conference theme for the Fifteen General conference of the NSF at Ukhrul was “for a unified Nagalim”

There after Mr. Vikheho Swu (also the former convener of NPMHR) took over as the President of the NSF and Mr. Neiba Kronu as the Speaker,on the endorsement of the 15th General conference of the Federal Assembly at Ukhrul, a commission was formed to work out the concept of the unified Nagalim.

The commission consisted Of Rev Dr. Wati Aier, Dr. Tuisem .A. Shishak ,Dr. Visier and the executive council of the NSF. Subsequently, the commission brought out a brochure called “FOR A UNIFIED NAGALIM”  In 1995 at the 16TH General conference of the NSF at Phek. Later on NPMHR also adopted its usage in 1996.

Then in 1999 the NSCN started Using as “National Socialist council of Nagalim” in place of Nagaland.

Letter to R N Ravi Nagas interlocutor from India representative,

Dear R N Ravi, we the nagas are peace loving people and we will never compromise our birth right, which you know that; today we are in the condition you can speak for our rights and we are very much positive toward our future. I read your articles on THE HINDU some months back, that clearly shows your interests on our political solution which made me to study who you are and why/how you write in such a manipulating rhetoric styles, and supporting your argument by some fact which is not valid at all.

Ravi you are educated man and you have an experience to find out the truth, which is your challenge that is assign for you as an interrogator. I know that you need to go deeper to understand the Historical fact of the Nagas, for I know all your condition, starting from when & where you were born? Where did you study and what type of food you eat, and how long you have work for Indian state? I respect your expensive experiences and I completely understand your position by knowing what is your strength and weakness. However, you think yourself as superman/politician which you cannot accomplish in regarding to Nagas political solution because you are an old man and you don’t deserves to become one of them anymore but you are just a retired bureaucrat. If you are a good bureaucrat, you have a chance to suggest to the center government to re-view the North-East state boundaries based on Indian constitution and work on it, but by ignoring all the Nagas intellects comes scholars who are far more better than you in many field and trying to ignore the birth right of all the Naga people is totally not justifiable. Ravi, I know that you don’t believe in Naga’s sovereignty in the present political scenario under the process of Indo-Naga peace talk but it is not important for me whether you believe in our sovereignty or not, because I found the fact that Nagas sovereignty lies in Naga people while you are just an agents of India and you have to obey the policy that has given you, and as I know your limited knowledge and power, I will urge you to do your best for the betterment of both the parties.

I will suggest you to negotiate in your position which is laid down to you by government of India; no-more les nor more but exactly the same, for you were not given a power to negotiate sovereignty for Nagas. Nagas will never ever compromised our sovereignty because it belong to the Naga people, it is not given by India nor by United State of America, and I am sure that you will pass this massage to the Government of India and her citizens. In the meantime, enjoy your position to prolonging the solution of the Nagas by trying to complete your term anyhow without completes solution. Thereby, I will look forward to see your mission in our complex situation and I want to know whether you do your job rightly or not but I too belief in you that you won’t bleed your grandchildren by your small mistake.

Thanks

HISTORICAL CONFLICT BETWEEN NAGAS NATION AND KUKIS ETHNIC GROUP AND INDIAN STATE

Feb 19, 1990
A minister of the northeast Indian state of Nagaland escaped a guerrilla assassination bid unhurt.
Apr 30, 1990
A. Zapu Phizo (aged 83), President of the Naga National Council (NNC), died while living in exile in Bromley, Kent, England.
Aug 1990
Clashes increased between the Chang, Konyak, and Yimchunger, who are Naga tribal groups. 50 people died and over 100 were injured in four days of clashes over objections to various tribal ceremonies. The Indian army has been ordered to shoot curfew-breakers on-sight in response to violent clashes between Naga tribes who are reverting to traditional head-hunting practices.
Nov 6, 1990
Border policemen were killed by Naga “extremists”.
Aug 14, 1991
Ten policemen escorting the speaker of the Nagaland state assembly were killed by NSCN extremists.
Dec 10, 1991
10 security personnel and a driver were killed when Naga rebels ambushed their convoy in a successful attempt to steal 7.3 million rupees (280,000 dollars), a huge sum in India.
Dec 15, 1991
Naga tribal guerrillas killed five paramilitary policemen and wounded four others when they ambushed their convoy traveling from Manipur’s capital Imphal to the town of Leimatak (presumably in Nagaland).
Jan 1992
Over one thousand Burmese Naga tribals have fled to India over the last two weeks following a military crackdown on ethnic minorities in Myanmar. India has formally protested to Rangoon about the influx of refugees on its northeastern border and has told the Burmese government to take them back. The influx is a result of a crackdown by Burmese troops on militants of the NSCN which has bases in Myanmar’s border areas.
Jan 30, 1992
India held two British citizens, David Ward and Steve Hillman of Naga-Vigil on charges of subversion. Naga-Vigil, which is based in Britain is monitoring human rights violations in India.
Mar 28, 1992
The state legislature of Nagaland was dissolved and elections called by the central government. Vamuzo, a member of Naga People’s Council (NPC), was named interim chief minister. He said elections would be held within three months.
Apr 3, 1992
India placed Nagaland under direct rule. Officials stated that it was not possible for local authorities to carry on the administration of the state because of the law and order problem.
May 8, 1992
12 Naga separatists attacked a market in Mokukchung and shot dead four policemen. As of May 1992, India stations about 15 percent of its 1.2 million troops in Nagaland (The Associated Press, 05/12/92).
Jun 12, 1992
Three officers and 10 men of the Indian army’s Gurkha regiment were killed in an ambush by the NSCN.
Jul 1992
The Indian army and the Assam Rifles carried out a joint operation in Pulomi, in the Kohima district, and captured a major center of the NSCN.
Aug 1992
The governor’s administration invoked the National Security Act of 1980 in Nagaland. The measure was taken in response to the considerable mobilization of the NSCN. Indian troops and the Assam Rifles conducted a joint operation in Eaunch Kumao in the Mau division of Manipur bordering Nagaland.
Aug 13, 1992
13 members of the NNC (NFG) were killed by armed gunmen of the NSCN. The killing was in retaliation for the alleged cooperation of the NNC with the Indian army in a crackdown on a NSCN camp.
Aug 20, 1992
Six policemen were killed by NSCN rebels near Sailen village, Manipur.
Nov 8, 1992
NSCN rebels killed at least 35 villagers in Layshi township of Myanmar near the border of India.
Nov 11, 1992
Indian intelligence officials said NSCN tribesmen fighting for independence in northeast India planned to double the “loyalty tax” in NSCN-controlled areas, apparently in order to make major arms purchases. A group of Naga rebels killed 15 villagers in Layshi township of Myanmar.
Nov 30, 1992
About 400 Kuki tribesmen (mostly Christian) fled India’s northeastern border state of Manipur after NSCN guerrillas stepped up their attacks. NSCN members believed that the Kukis collaborated with the Indian army. Background to the Naga-Kuki ethnic fighting: The two groups have frequently clashed in the past for control of the lucrative heroin trade route through Moreh, an Indian outpost close to the Burmese border. They are each fighting for a separate homeland of their own and their territories overlap. The Nagas claim that the Kukis (who live on both sides of the Indo-Burmese border) are not indigenous, but were brought in by former rulers (first by the Meitei and then the British) from what are now Myanmar and Bangladesh. The NSCN has been extorting taxes from the Kukis. When the NSCN split, (“recently” according to The Guardian, 09/24/93) the Kukis stopped paying taxes. Both groups have a powerful vested interest in prolonging communal conflicts in order to divert attention from their profitable smuggling of timber, gold, and heroin. Both the Kukis and the Nagas see this trade (especially heroin), as the best way to finance their guerrilla wars against the Indian government.
Jan 18, 1993
NSCN rebels overran a security unit in Manipur and set ablaze a major telecommunications facility, leaving services out in half of Manipur.
Feb 1, 1993
NSCN rebels ambushed paramilitary soldiers in Manipur’s Senapati area, killing six and injuring five. Two rebels were also killed in the attack. In a separate attack, two paramilitary troopers in another part of Manipur were shot and wounded.
Feb 15, 1993
Voters went to the polls in Nagaland and the nearby state of Meghalaya to elect new state legislatures.
Feb 16, 1993
While returning with sealed ballot boxes, five paramilitary troops and six polling officials were slain in a NSCN guerilla ambush near the Tuensang area. Police responded to the ambush by ordering police and soldiers to seal the entire Tuensang area to flush out the guerrillas from their hideouts.
Mar 1993
Fighting between the NSCN and the Kuki tribe was rekindled over control of a strategic highway.
Mar 11, 1993
India released David Ward and Stephen Hillman, British Naga-Vigil members, who had joined a band of tribal rebels fighting in the northeastern jungles of India.
Apr 2, 1993
NSCN guerrillas launched an attack on Tinghkai Knunu village in Manipur, killing eight Kukis.
Apr 16, 1993
One villager was killed when NSCN guerrillas attacked and set fire to 21 houses in the Myanmar village of Wet Yu, in the Sagaing division. 110 villagers were rendered homeless.
Apr 18, 1993
NSCN guerrillas shot six Kuki villagers in Sita Kuki.
Apr 20, 1993
Five young children were burnt to death when NSCN guerrillas attacked and set fire to Bongli village in the Chandel district of India.
Apr 22, 1993
The Times of India newspaper carried a report stating that Manipur State government authorities have requested help from the Indian Prime Minister and the Indian Army, in fighting insurgent forces (the Kukis and the NSCN). The newspaper also reported that the Kuki Chin terrorist insurgents were receiving (military) aid from the Myanmar government. The Myanmar government denied the accusations.
May 3, 1993
Police shot dead five NSCN rebels. The shooting occurred while the rebels tried to escape after looting a bank in Mancachar town located in northeastern Assam. There was one arrest and four civilians were injured.
May 3 – 4, 1993
The Indian army was placed on alert after two days of savage inter-tribal clashes between the Kukis and the Nagas left at least 86 people dead and 130 wounded in Manipur. The government clamped curfews on sensitive areas (including the capital of Manipur, Imphal).
May 6, 1993
The Indian army deployed troops in Manipur to help deal with the Kuki-Naga ethnic clashes. Police have arrested over 100 people in connection with the violence.
May 21, 1993
Two suspected NSCN activists were killed and five members of the Kuki Defence Force apprehended in two separate incidents in Chandes and Tobo districts. The NSCN rebels were killed by the Assam Rifles during a combing operation launched by the Assam Rifles at Lelong and Raithaw areas in Kobo district.
May 27, 1993
NSCN rebels killed one woman and set ablaze 75 houses in Manipur’s Ukhrul district.
May 28, 1993
The Indian army launched a crackdown on insurgents in Manipur. The crackdown was mainly directed at five outlawed groups, including the NSCN. The army crackdown followed fresh violence between the Naga and Kuki tribes in Manipur’s Ukhrul district. Three NSCN gunmen and one Kuki militant were also killed in clashes near the Burmese border, officials said, without specifying when.
Jun 7, 1993
Forty-four houses of the Kuki tribe were set ablaze in Nagaland, allegedly by NSCN rebels.
Jun 29, 1993
NSCN guerrillas attacked an army convoy just outside of the village of Sita, Manipur, killing 26 soldiers. It was the most serious attack by the rebels in their protracted war against the Indian government. About 20 other soldiers were injured, two civilians and two rebels were also killed.
Aug 6 – 8, 1993
At least 41 Kukis were killed by NSCN guerrillas in attacks on Kuki villages in Manipur.
Aug 10, 1993
Prohibitory orders were promulgated in all the 17 tribal areas of Imphal and greater Imphal for two months from August 10. This order was in response to a Kuki revenge attack in which 12 houses were set on file in a Naga village.
Aug 13, 1993
Indian security forces launched a massive search in Manipur for the NSCN insurgents who ambushed an army column, killing six soldiers and two civilians. Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao was considering imposing direct federal rule in Manipur.
Sep 1, 1993
More that 50 houses (32 Kuki and 20 Naga) and a Kuki church were set afire in intense Naga-Kuki fighting.
Sep 2, 1993
Naga leader, Ankim Khumto Anal, a mainstream politician who contested the last state assembly elections, was shot by NSCN rebels. NSCN rebels are also suspected of another recent killing of a Kuki senior leader.
Sep 10, 1993
Indian troops stormed a base of the outlawed Isaac-Muivah faction of the NSCN at Niuland near Kimapur, killing or wounding at least six rebels.
Sep 13, 1993
20 NSCN rebels attacked the pro-government Kuki village on the outskirts on Imphal, killing at least 17 villagers. In response to the increasing Naga attacks on Indian armed forces as well as Kuki tribes people, Manipur authorities passed orders giving the army sweeping powers of search and arrest and use of force in that state.
Sep 14, 1993
30 NSCN Guerrillas raided Zapati village of the rival Kuki tribe, lined up the men and shot them, killing over 100 tribesmen. Police said the raid on the Kuki village followed the NSCN’s warning last month to local residents to vacate the predominantly Naga region by September 15. However, the attack came 24 hours prior to the expiry of the “quit notice”. It was the deadliest attack the Nagas have ever carried out against the Kuki tribe.
Sep 16, 1993
In response to the massacre on September 14, the Indian government ordered more than 200 paramilitary reinforcements rushed to the remote states of Manipur and Nagaland. 5,000 additional troops were also being airlifted to the area. Kukis launched a retaliatory raid on a Naga village of 300 people on the outskirts of Imphal, burning down 25 houses. NSCN activists allegedly gunned down 16 Kuki villagers at Gelneng in the Senapati district. Kuki National Army rebels set ablaze all 45 houses of Sadu Khurai, a Naga village in the Senapati district.
Sep 17 – 29, 1993
The Naga-Kuki clashes are escalating throughout Manipur. Prime Minister Rao is preparing a presidential proclamation to impose direct federal rule in Manipur, according to United Press International.
Oct 5, 1993
Two Kuki villages were set on fire and at least 77 houses destroyed when Kukis in the Naga dominated area refused to pay taxes to the Naga separatists and refused to be evicted.
Oct 6, 1993
The leaders of the warring tribes of the Kukis and Nagas appealed for a three-month cease-fire, but the chances the call would be heeded were slim, Manipur Chief Minister Rajdumar Dorendra Singh told Reuters. The joint appeal followed a meeting between Kuki and Naga leaders.
Oct 11, 1993
NSCN guerrillas ambushed a police convoy on the Tamenglong road, killing two policemen. In a separate attack, 30 NSCN guerrillas fought a 40-minute battle with policemen after attacking their base camp in Litan, killing four policemen, reported Reuters.
Oct 21, 1993
Over 500 armed Nagas attacked the village of Yangloi Kuki where the Assam Rifles were encamped. They set 100 homes on fire but there were no reported casualties. Four soldiers were injured in an exchange of fire with armed Nagas at Makui Chajang in Tamenglong district. One person was killed and about 819 villagers lost their homes.
Dec 4, 1993
Kuki militants killed at least one person, injured two others, and burned 250 houses in a Naga village in Churangchanbpur district.
Dec 8, 1993
NSCN guerrillas ambushed a Border Security Force convoy outside Zungeboto, Nagaland, killing 5 soldiers and wounding 7 others.
Dec 15, 1993
At least 15 soldiers and one attacker were killed when NSCN separatists allegedly attacked an army convoy near the Nagaland town of Mokokchung.
Dec 31, 1993
Prime Minister Rao invoked special Constitutional powers to disband the local legislature and impose direct federal rule in the state of Manipur. The move was in response to escalating intertribal warfare and growing attacks on government forces.
Jan 4, 1994
The Indian army began a massive crackdown on insurgents and anti-social elements indulging in the on-going Kuki-Naga ethnic war in Manipur. The army has sealed exit routes and routinely searches passers-by to check the movement of different underground insurgents.
Jan 7, 1994
Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was coordinating various underground outfits in northeast India to boost insurgency in the region, according to General N.S. Malik. The General told a group of visiting reporters recently that the Muivah faction of the NSCN along with the Bodo Security Force (BSF), the ULFA of Assam and the PLA of Manipur had recently formed the United Liberation Front of Seven Sisters (ULFSS). Malik said the group was considerably strong and fast expanding its activities to marginalize its rival, the Indo-Burma Revolutionary Front (IBRF), led by the Khaplang faction of the NSCN. The faction under Isaac-Muivah is more predominant in both Manipur and Nagaland than the Khaplang faction and secured the patronage of Bangladesh and the ISI. Earlier, Brigadier Awasti, briefing newsmen in Dimapur, said that ULFA was leaning toward the NSCN-Muivah faction though it still had links with the IBRF, being one of its founder members.
Jan 14, 1994
In response to intensified insurgent activities in Manipur, Nagaland, and Tripura, the Indian government was to set up a separate armed force to deal with insurgency in the northeast states, reported Xinhua General Overseas News Service.
Jan 14, 1994
At least two people were killed, three seriously injured and about 50 houses burnt by suspected Naga militants at Yolien Chupi Kuki village in the Ukhurl district of Manipur. This was the first major incident since the imposition of President’s rule on the last day of 1993.
Jan 18, 1994
A group of unidentified armed militants shot dead at least seven Kuki women in Manipur.
Jan 19, 1994
Forces of the Assam Rifles killed five NSCN guerrillas and captured 17 in a raid on their camp in the Peren sub-division of Kohima district.
Feb 12, 1994
The Times of India reported that the Naga-Kuki strife in Manipur may be drawing to a close with both communities trying to make amends.
Feb 19, 1994
At least 18 houses of the tribal Tinou Kuki village in the Chakpikarong district of Manipur were set ablaze by Naga militants.
Apr 14, 1994
Kohima has been put under a night curfew following incidents of violence involving Naga extremists. Additional companies of the Border Security Force and Assam Rifles were deployed in the town to help restore normalcy.
Apr 30, 1994
India’s state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) halted exploration in Nagaland after a separatist Naga group bombed its offices and warned it to stop all work.
May 10, 1994
Naga rebels ambushed an army convoy in the state of Manipur, killing four people. A fierce gun battle between the insurgents and security forces lasting more than an hour followed the ambush.
May 15, 1994
Some 50 NSCN militants invaded the remote village of Sai Pimol in Manipur herding 16 members of the Kuki tribe (mostly women and children) into a church and removing their heads.
May 16, 1994
The Nagas and the Kukis have signed an agreement to maintain peace and traditional brotherhood in Nagaland. The agreement was signed in Kohima by the leaders of the two organizations of the tribes, Mr. Jelen Dron Huzom and Mr. Kuki Impay. The two-year-old Kuki-Naga clashes in Manipur have raised the specter of more violence with the worst-ever “ethnic cleansing” in India’s northeast. At least 68 people have been killed in Nagaland in the past 17 months.
May 19 – 23, 1994
NSCN guerrillas stormed Kuki villages in Assam setting them ablaze and killing at least seven villagers.
May 24, 1994
Some 100 activists of a banned NSCN faction have returned after receiving arms training in Bangladesh.
May 31, 1994
Naga students called for a day-long strike in protest of the Indian state-owned Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) warning that oil exploration would not be allowed unless all their demands were met.
Jun 1, 1994
The Naga Student’s Federation (NSF) was protesting the Oil and Natural Gas Commission’s drilling of oil without the consent of the local inhabitants of Nagaland. The strike brought to a halt traffic on the Dimapur-Imphal national highway. In Kohima, all shops, business establishments and educational institutions remained closed. Central and state government offices were open with thin attendance.
Jun 9, 1994
Government figures indicate that 87 soldiers and 410 militants died in Manipur during 1993. Another 316 people were killed in clashes between the Naga and Kuki tribes (Far Eastern Economic Review, 06/09/94).
Jun 9, 1994
The Governor of Nagaland has accused the state’s chief minister, S.C. Jamir, of maintaining links with a faction of the NSCN. Jamir has denied the charges. Analysts indicate that there is a lack of a clear line between local politics and the insurgency. Many of today’s mainstream politicians were rebels and they still maintain their ties to their former comrades. A history professor at Manipur University, Gangmumei Kabui states that, “The emerging Naga bourgeoisie have a stake in the insurgency. They say to New Delhi: give us more money to solve it. This is happening in Manipur also” (Far Eastern Economic Review, 06/09/94).
Jul 21, 1994
At least 22 members of the Kuki tribe were killed by Naga separatists in Manipur. Indian customs officials believe that the two tribes are fighting over a lucrative heroin route from the neighboring Golden Triangle (Reuters, 07/21/94).
Jul 28, 1994
In what is being referred to as the biggest strike against the NSCN in recent times, Indian police raided a camp run by the organization near the capital of Manipur. Nine NSCN rebels belonging to the Muivah faction and one policeman were killed, while four others were injured during the seven-hour gunbattle (Reuters, 07/28/94).
Aug 18, 1994
Twenty-three government troops were killed and thirteen others injured when militants, believed to be from the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), attacked a military patrol in Manipur. Security in the state has been increased following recent Naga-Kuki clashes (UPI, 08/18/94; Reuters, 08/19/94).
Sep 5, 1994
An underground militant group ambushed a routine military patrol in Manipur. At least eight government soldiers were killed (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 09/05/94).
Oct 21, 1994
Members of the outlawed Kuki National Front hijacked a bus in Noney, Manipur, riddled it with gunfire, and then pushed it down a gorge. Forty-five people were killed including thirty-two Nagas. Naga tribals retaliated by killing two Kuki bus drivers in Manipur (Agence France Presse, 10/21/94).
Oct 24, 1994
More than 20 Naga rebels attacked a rival Kuki village in Manipur. Two people died and over 21 homes were burnt down (UPI, 10/24/94).
Nov 15, 1994
Around 20 members of the NSCN surrounded four trucks near the Burmese border and killed nine Kuki passengers (Reuters, 11/15/94).
Nov 19, 1994
25 Kukis were killed and more than 20 houses set ablaze as Maoist Naga separatists attacked a village in Chandel district, Manipur. A few hours later, Kuki militants burnt down more than 100 houses in a Naga village (Reuters, 11/19/94).
Nov 20, 1994
The Indian government has extended its ban on three outlawed groups in the northeastern part of the country. The groups are the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), the Bodo Security Force (BSF), and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA). Officials contend that the NSCN relies heavily on smuggling and the extortion of funds from citizens (Reuters, 11/20/94).
Nov 23, 1994
Kuki tribesmen attacked a Naga village in Manipur and set fire to all the village’s 40 houses (UPI, 11/23/94).
Nov 24, 1994
The Indian government is deploying additional army troops and paramilitary forces in Manipur following the recent spate of violence between the Naga and Kuki tribes (UPI, 11/24/94).
Nov 28, 1994
Naga guerrillas pulled a Kuki tribesman from a bus in Manipur and cut his head off in full view of a shocked crowd. In a separate incident in Manipur, government troops shot and killed a Naga activist (UPI, 11/28/94).
Dec 14, 1994
One year of President’s rule has ended in Manipur as Rishang Keishing of the Congress (I) party was sworn in as chief minister. The state was placed under central control after ethnic violence claimed more than 2000 lives in 1992-93 (Xinhua News Agency, 12/14/94).
Dec 20, 1994
An ambush by Kuki militants in Manipur has resulted in the deaths of 11 federal police officers and 5 civilians. Five policeman were also injured (UPI, 12/20/94).
Jan 2, 1995
Around 30-40 Naga militants attacked a Kuki village in Senapati district, Manipur, during New Year’s celebrations. At least five Kukis were killed and three others injured while eight houses were set ablaze (Xinhua News Agency, 01/02/95).
Jan 17, 1995
The Joint Action Committee on Transport and Carriers Services launched a 42-hour strike that has virtually brought the Manipur state to a standstill. The transport workers were seeking adequate security from the state and central governments as they argued that a goods and road tax imposed by the Naga underground organization was too much (Xinhua News Agency, 12/17/95).
Jan 24, 1995
At least seven paramilitary personnel were killed and seven others wounded when they were ambushed by members of the NSCN in Bishenour district, Manipur (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 01/24/95).
Feb 16, 1995
Sporadic acts of violence occurred as residents in Manipur went to the polls for state assembly elections. Two candidates were killed and a regional election office was bombed. No information was available on who was responsible for the incidents (UPI, 02/16/95).
Feb 23, 1995
A five-party coalition government, led by the Manipur People’s Party, is set to form the new state government (UPI, 02/23/95).
Feb 25, 1995
Two powerful bomb blasts on a passenger train in Assam have led to the deaths of at least 22 soldiers. Some 30 others were wounded. Police suspect that the NSCN was responsible for the incident (Reuters, 02/25/95).
Mar 18, 1995
A Naga village in Manipur was set ablaze by Kuki insurgents. No casualties were reported but over 60 houses were destroyed. The day before, the president of the Kuki National Organization was killed by Naga militants (Reuters, 03/18/95).
Apr 12, 1995
Seven people were killed in various districts in Manipur in clashes between the rival Naga and Kuki tribes (BBC, 04/12/95).
May 4, 1995
NSCN guerrillas ambushed a paramilitary patrol in Assam, killing five troops and seriously wounding four others (Reuters, 05/04/95).
Jun 6, 1995
A number of ambushes by the outlawed NSCN across Manipur led to the deaths of six military personnel and two civilians. Four other soldiers and two civilians were injured (BBC, 06/06/95).
Jun 7, 1995
Clashes between the rival Naga and Kuki tribes in the Indo-Burmese border town of Moreh in Manipur left at least 11 people dead and 23 injured. More than 40 houses were also burnt down (UPI, 06/07/95).
Aug 4, 1995
Two leaders of the Isaac-Muivah faction of the NSCN were among eight rebels killed by the Indian army following a gunbattle near Kohima, the capital city of Nagaland (Reuters, 08/04/95).
Aug 5, 1995
Kuki tribespeople attacked a Naga village in Senapati district, Manipur, setting at least 23 houses on fire (BBC, 08/05/95).
Nov 3, 1995
India’s Union Minister of State for Home, M. Kamsen, has appealed to insurgents in the northeastern part of the country to enter negotiations. During a visit to Manipur, Kamsen stated that a lasting peace agreement could only be found within the framework of the Constitution (BBC, 11/03/95)
Nov 6, 1995
A conference in Thailand organized by the Asia Indigenous People’s Pact (AIPP) and other concerned non-governmental groups was attended by more than 50 delegates from all over Asia. A Naga human rights activist, Luingan Lithui, indicated that Asian governments have refused to accept the concept of indigenous peoples. Lithui argued that these governments were unwilling to give up political control over weaker ethnic groups and the natural resources located in their traditional areas of residence. Conference participants demanded that Asian governments accept the 1994 UN draft declaration of indigenous peoples. The document outlines the rights of indigenous peoples, including their right to self-determination (Inter Press Service, 11/06/95).
Dec 4, 1995
Naga guerrillas attacked a paramilitary patrol in Nagaland. At least nine soldiers were killed and six others injured (Reuters, 12/04/95).
Dec 12 1995
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) has agreed to refrain from violence during December in honor of Christmas. The group also called on other insurgency groups to halt their attacks during the holiday season. The NSCN is reported to be responsible for an ongoing number of bank robberies and kidnappings for ransom in order to fund their independence movement (UPI, 12/12/95).
Dec 18, 1995
Burmese opposition radio reports that the country’s State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC, the military junta) has increased its troop deployment along the India-Burma border. The move follows the moving of border posts 10 km inside Burma by Burmese Nagas. This would put the Naga who live on the Burmese side in Indian territory. Burmese Nagas are reported to rely on India for all their needs and want to live in India as the Nagas in that country are better off (BBC, 12/18/95).
Dec 19, 1995
Two civilians and a solider die when a school bus is attacked in Manipur. Officials suspect the NSCN or the Marxist Peoples’ Liberation Army which is active in the state (Reuters, 12/19/95).
Feb 8, 1996
Officials report that at least seven people were killed after Naga militants ambushed a police convoy in Assam (BBC, 02/08/96).
Feb 20, 1996
The military believes that the NSCN is responsible for the ambush of an army convoy in Vokha town in Nagaland. Six soldiers were killed. The personnel were in the region to help implement a $3 million rural development project (United Press International, 02/20/96).
Feb 23, 1996
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao offers to hold unconditional talks with Naga insurgent groups (BBC, 02/23/96).
Apr 1 – May 31, 1996
The minority Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government collapses.
May 6, 1996
The Naga Students Federation calls for a boycott of the upcoming federal elections (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 05/06/96).
May 23, 1996
Six military personnel are reported killed in an ambush in Nagaland (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 05/23/96).
Jun 1996
The United Front forms a new federal government. Deve Gowda becomes Prime Minister.
Sep 19, 1996
Authorities indicate that Naga militants are responsible for the deaths of two people in a car bomb attack in Imphal, the capital of Manipur. Some Naga insurgent groups are seeking a greater Nagaland that would include parts of Manipur and other neighboring states (Agence France Presse, 09/19/96).
Sep 26, 1996
Members of the Naga Peoples Forum for District Integrity Association blockade the road linking Manipur with the rest of India due to a land dispute with state authorities. The Naga organization is opposed to a government plan that would create a new revenue district in the northern Sadar Hills. The proposed district would have a majority Kuki population (Agence France Presse, 09/26/96: Hindu, 07/15/97).
Nov 5, 1996
The NSCN (I-M) welcomes Prime Minister Gowda’s offer to open peace talks. The organization, which has bases in Burma, warns that a lack of progress could lead it to return to violence (Agence France Presse, 11/05/96).
Dec 10, 1996
Officials report that NSCN members are likely responsible for the deaths of 30 Kukis who were forcibly removed from a bus in Dimapur town in Nagaland. Clashes between the two tribal groups have claimed hundreds of lives since the early 1990s (Reuters, 12/10/96).
Dec 14, 1996
Seven Nagas and one security person are reported killed in gunbattles in Nagaland (Reuters, 12/14/96).
Dec 31, 1996
Naga rebels allegedly shoot a state minister and two family members (Reuters, 12/31/96).
Jan 8, 1997
A former federal minister, who is acting as a representative of New Delhi, recently met with NSCN (I-M) officials in Thailand. The Indian newspaper, Telegraph reports that the NSCN (I-M) has set three preconditions for talks. These are: the negotiations should focus on sovereignty, talks would be held in a third country, and a third party mediator will be included (Agence France Presse, 01/08/97).
Mar 4, 1997
India again offers to hold peace talks with both factions of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland. Prime Minister Gowda says that he has held initial talks with the major NSCN (I-M) faction in Geneva. Authorities assert that while the organization’s leaders are eager to hold negotiations, its supporters are opposing the move. Efforts to promote peace are also being supported by the Naga Tribal Council (the Hoho) and NGOs like the Naga Mothers Association (Agence France Presse, 03/04/97; Business Standard, 03/05/97).
Apr 1997
Inder Kumar Gujral of the United Front becomes Prime Minister following a dispute within the coalition government.
May 7, 1997
Naga insurgents allegedly kill 11 villagers, including eight Kukis in Manipur’s Senapati district. While the Hindu Meiteis form the majority of Manipur’s population, the Nagas and Kukis each constitute 15 % (Agence France Presse, 05/07/97; India Today, 07/28/97).
May 19, 1997
Prime Minister Gujral offers to hold unconditional talks with insurgent groups in the northeast. Last year, the government announced a $1.74 billion economic development package for the region (Agence France Presse, 05/19/97; Japan Economic Newswire, 05/21/97).
Jun 28, 1997
The NSCN (I-M) is expected to hold its second meeting with the government in July in Geneva, Switzerland. In May, the rebel organization publicly stated that it is ready to find a political solution to the decades-long conflict (Agence France Presse, 06/28/97).
Jun 30, 1997
An Indian news agency claims that Naga insurgents are likely responsible for the ambush of a paramilitary patrol in Nagaland that resulted in six deaths (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 06/30/97).
Jul 11, 1997
Members of the Kuki tribe kill 10 villagers and burn 50 houses in Manipur. The victims are members of the Paite tribe, which the Kukis believe are supporting their rivals, the Nagas. Since late June, some 70 people have died in Kuki-Paite incidents (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 07/11/97).
Jul 25, 1997
India announces a three-month ceasefire with the NSCN (I-M) in order to pursue peace talks. Meanwhile, the Chief Minister of Nagaland, S. C. Jamir, will hold unprecedented meetings with tribal leaders in Atlanta, USA, beginning on July 28. The meetings are being sponsored by the Baptist Group of America. The NSCN (I-M), the major faction of the splintered organization, says that it will not attend the Atlanta meetings. The NSCN (K) and the Naga National Council (NNC) are expected to attend (Agence France Presse, 07/25/97; Hindu, 07/27/97).
Jul 28, 1997
Prime Minister Gujral says that other unnamed Naga insurgent groups have also agreed to suspend their activities to allow talks to proceed (BBC, 07/28/97).
Aug 1, 1997
A ceasefire between the government and the NSCN (I-M) goes into effect. In the past few days, sporadic clashes between the two sides were reported (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 08/01/97).
Aug 5, 1997
Some 500,000 people demonstrate in Manipur’s capital, Imphal, to demand that the federal government ensure that its upcoming talks with the NSCN (I-M) will not lead to the territorial dismemberment of the state. Some Nagas favor the creation of a greater Nagaland which would encompass parts of Manipur, Assam, and Arunchal Pradesh (Hindu, 08/05/97).
Aug 12, 1997
One of the leaders of the NSCN (I-M), Isaac Chisi Swu, claims that the government has accepted in principle the need to unify Naga-inhabited areas in neighboring states under a single administrative unit. Authorities deny the claim (Statesman, 08/12/97).
Aug 22, 1997
Prime Minister Gujral assures a delegation including Manipur Chief Minister Rishang Keishing that there is no question of changing the state’s territorial integrity (Hindu, 08/22/97).
Aug 31, 1997
Since a ceasefire between the NSCN (I-M) and the government was announced some five weeks ago, an army soldier and an activist have been gunned down in Nagaland. Several bomb blasts were also reported on August 15, India’s independence day (Statesman, 08/31/97).
Sep 1, 1997
For the first time in 50 years, hopes have been raised for a final negotiated settlement for India’s longest running insurgency. Analysts believe that a peace agreement with the Nagas could set the foundation for peace in the northeast. The NSCN reportedly provides material and logistical assistance to a number of other insurgent groups in the region (Inter Press Service, 09/01/97).
Sep 10, 1997
Meetings between Naga and government representatives under the auspices of the Baptist Group of America result in an appeal for all Naga peoples to give up violence (Hindu, 09/10/97).
Sep 19, 1997
Reports indicate that Kuki tribals killed 10 Naga villagers and burnt more than 20 houses in Manipur. On September 16, armed Nagas reportedly killed two Kuki villagers (Xinhua News Agency, 09/19/97).
Sep 23, 1997
At least 10 Nagas are gunned down in Manipur’s Tamenglong district, allegedly by Kuki tribals who attacked a local bus (Hindu, 09/23/97).
Sep 29, 1997
Nagaland Chief Minister S. C. Jamir and two former federal ministers survive an assassination attempt when Naga rebels reportedly fire on their convoy near the capital, Kohima (BBC, 09/29/97).
Oct 1997
Militants of the NSCN (I-M) lay siege to the Dayang hydro-electric plant in Wokha district for a week. They reportedly left peacefully following New Delhi’s threat to deploy the army. The NSCN (K) holds a 15-day blockade to disrupt supply routes to Zunteboto district, which is allegedly populated by NSCN (I-M) supporters. Last month, the NSCN (I-M) laid siege for a week to the Kuki-dominated Phaipa Jung village (Statesman, 12/09/97).
Oct 2, 1997
An NSCN (I-M)-called 12-hour strike is held in late September to protest factional feuding among militant groups (Statesman, 10/02/97).
Oct 23, 1997
Nagaland Chief Minister S. C. Jamir says that in the past three months there have been 104 killings in the state due to insurgent-related activities. He says in past years the annual total was 30-40 deaths (Statesman, 10/23/97).
Oct 30, 1997
The ceasefire in Nagaland is extended for another three months. Some 120 people were killed during the first ceasefire period. The government states that a mechanism will be established to monitor the truce. There are reported to be around 5500 armed Naga rebels (Hindu and Statesman, 10/30/97).
Nov 27, 1997
All rival Naga factions announce a complete week-long ceasefire to allow ceremonies to mark the 125th anniversary of the arrival of Christianity in the northeast region. This is first time in five decades such a truce has been reached (Agence France Presse, 11/27/97).
Dec 6, 1997
The Indian government says that talks with the Nagas are on hold until after federal elections slated for next February and March (Hindu, 12/06/97).
Dec 10, 1997
Nagas reportedly kill 10 Kuki tribal members and torch 110 houses in four villages in Ukhrul district, Manipur (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 12/10/97).
Dec 22, 1997
Nagas are allegedly responsible for the deaths of 7 Kukis when a bus is ambushed near Manipur’s capital, Imphal (Deutsche Presse- Agentur, 12/22/97).
Jan 18, 1998
Reports indicate that drug and alcohol abuse is spreading in Nagaland and that there are few job opportunities for a new generation of young people. The state’s budget mostly comes from New Delhi and corruption is reportedly widespread (Hindu, 01/18/98).
Feb 5, 1998
The Naga Hoho (tribal council) and a number of non-governmental organizations ask Naga politicians in Manipur to resign their seats and not to contest the upcoming elections. They fear that the polls will hurt the peace process. Opposition political parties in Nagaland have asked that the elections be postponed while the NSCN (I-M) has called for a boycott (Hindu, 02/05/98).
Feb 8, 1998
The Congress Party maintains power in Nagaland as it is elected unopposed in 43/60 seats. The opposition boycotted the polls fearing it might disrupt ongoing talks between the federal government and Naga rebel groups. Only Congress members and independents contest the remaining 17 seats, 8 of which are won by the Congress (Agence France Presse, 02/08/98; Statesman, 03/29/98).
Mar 1998
The Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party forms a federal government. Atal Behari Vajpayee becomes Prime Minister.
Mar 10, 1998
Kuki militants are suspected in the deaths of 8 Naga villagers in Ukhrul district, Manipur (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, 03/10/98).
Mar 24, 1998
Nagaland Chief Minister S C Jamir calls for all factions to unite before holding a dialogue with the federal government. He says his government is ready to resign if a settlement is reached (Statesman, 03/24/98).
Apr 19, 1998
Eight soldiers are reportedly killed by members of the NSCN (K). The rebels assert that they will continue their offensive until India withdraws from Naga areas. The ceasefire between the government and the NSCN (I-M) is now being monitored by a 10-person panel which was established in February. No major violations have been reported since the ceasefire came into effect last August (Statesman, 04/19/98; BBC, 04/27/98).
May 1998
Representatives of the NSCN (I-M) and the new Hindu-nationalist BJP government meet. No substantive progress is reported (Hindu, 06/16/98).
May 15, 1998
The United Front of Assam (ULFA), which is fighting for an independent state in Assam, warns the NSCN (I-M) about encroaching on Assamese territory. The warning follows the reported killing of a family member of an ULFA leader by the NSCN (I-M). Rebel demands for a greater Nagaland include territory that is currently part of Assam, Manipur, and Arunchal Pradesh (Statesman, 05/15/98).
Jun 7, 1998
Thousand of Nagas demonstrate against a government plan to create a new Kuki-dominant revenue district in Manipur. The United Naga Council and the All Naga Students Association of Manipur has also imposed an economic blockade in Manipur to protest the measure. The Nagas assert that the region, the Sadar Hills, is a part of their historical region and that the proposal is just a ploy to advance the creation of a Kuki homeland (Hindu, 06/07/98; Statesman, 05/26/98).
Jul 21, 1998
Some 450 inmates riot in a Manipur jail to protest the custodial death of a Naga militant. They assert that although he was ill, he was not taken to a hospital (Statesman, 07/21/98).
Aug 31, 1998
At a July meeting between representatives of the federal government and the NSCN (I-M), the ceasefire was extended for one year (Statesman, 08/31/98).
Sep 2, 1998
The NSCN (K) is blaming the Isaac-Muivah faction for the deaths of four people in the past week in the capital Kohima. It says that some of them were group members and it accused the security forces of aiding the NSCN (I-M). The Khaplang faction says the unification of all Nagas is required for any progress in talks with the government. In neighboring Manipur, 7 organizations, including Naga bodies, call for a state-wide strike to protest police firing that resulted in 5 deaths (Statesman, 09/02/98).
Oct 4, 1998
The leaders of the NSCN (I-M), Isaac Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah, meet with Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee in Paris. Vajpayee reportedly stated that secession was not an option as talks must be held within the framework of the constitution (Hindu, 10/04/98).
Oct 17, 1998
Members of the Kuki tribe allegedly kill 11 civilians, including 9 Nagas, in Tamenglong district in Manipur (Statesman, 10/17/98).
Nov 13, 1998
The army extends the ceasefire to include the NSCN (K) faction for a period of two months. The move follows appeals from the Naga Hoho (tribal council) and NGOS who have been trying to reconcile the various Naga militant groups. The army says that only a few isolated incidents have been reported since the ceasefire with the NSCN (I-M) came into effect last August (BBC, 11/13/98; Statesman, 11/09/98).
Nov 28, 1998
Six people are dead following recent clashes between members of the two NSCN factions (Statesman, 11/28/98).
Dec 2, 1998
The United Naga Council in Manipur organizes a general strike to protest a government move to create a new revenue district in the Sadar Hills. The district would have a majority Kuki population (Hindu, 12/02/98).
Dec 26, 1998
The NSCN (K) declares a unilateral ceasefire for 20 days and meets with Nagaland’s Chief Minister Jamir to show its willingness to open peace talks. Observers indicate that there is an overwhelming desire for peace among Nagas of all tribes (Hindu, 12/26/98).
Jan 18, 1999
The Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights condemns atrocities against Christians by Hindu militants in various parts of the country (Statesman, 01/18/99).
Mar 29, 1999
Hundreds of women protest in Kohima against last week’s rape of a girl by two men. The All-Nagaland Taxi Association calls for a 48-hour strike as well (BBC, 03/31/99).
May 11, 1999
Naga students blockade a road in Manipur. No reason is given but both factions of the NSCN have been collecting taxes in both Nagaland and Manipur (Hindu, 05/11/99
may 12, 1999
Reports indicate that both factions of the NSCN have agreed to end their rivalry and that a cooling off period is also in effect between the NSCN (I-M) and the Naga National Council (its armed wing is the Federal Government of Nagaland) (Statesman, 05/12/99).
May 18, 1999
After 33 years in exile, the leaders of the NSCN (I-M), Isaac Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah visit Nagaland to promote unification among the various Naga groups (Statesman, 05/18/99).
Jun 1, 1999
Some dozen Kukis kill 9 Nagas in a bus attack near Imphal, Manipur. In the last five years, Naga-Kuki violence has led to at least 1000 deaths (Agence France Presse, 06/01/99).
Jun 9, 1999
While visiting Nagaland, the leaders of the NSCN (I-M), Swu and Muivah, assert that sovereignty must be the basis for talks with the central government. A 1997 referendum in Naga areas reportedly resulted in a 99% vote in favor of independence (Statesman, 06/09/99).
Jun 14, 1999
The NSCN (I-M) offers a 45-day amnesty for members of the NSCN (K) to return to its fold. The NSCN split in 1988. Meanwhile, it is reported that the last round of talks between the NSCN (I-M) and the federal government were held in March in Amsterdam (India Today, 06/14/99).
Jul 11, 1999
No progress is reported in efforts to end the dispute between the two factions of the NSCN following a three-day consultative meeting. It was partly organized by the Naga Hoho (tribal council) (Statesman, 07/11/99).
Jul 27, 1999
The NSCN (unknown which faction) allegedly kills 8 people when it opens fire on a police patrol in Assam. This past weekend, the NSCN (I-M) and federal representatives held talks in Amsterdam (AAP Newsfeed, 07/27/99).
Aug 4, 1999
The ceasefire between the government and the NSCN (I-M) is extended for another year. Reports indicate that the NSCN (I-M) has been able to regroup in the past two years and still has not stopped its recruitment. The organization has also renamed itself as the Nagaland Socialist Council of Nagalim. The term Nagalim refers to a greater Nagaland which encompasses Nagaland and parts of Assam, Manipur, and Arunchal Pradesh (Hindu, 08/04/99; Statesman, 07/30/99).
Sep 3, 1999
More than 1000 Burmese Christian Nagas flee into India asserting that the Burmese junta and Buddhist monks are pressuring them to convert to Buddhism (Asiaweek, 09/03/99).
Sep 4, 1999
Clashes between the two NSCN factions have led some 500 businessmen and government officials to flee Nagaland and take refuge in Assam. Last week, some 10 NSCN members and civilians were killed, Courtesy: Awomi, Naga spear

NOTE: POST MASTER WILL NOT TAKE ANY RESPONSIBLE FOR CONSEQUENCES FOR THIS POST

NORTH EAST INDIAN CITIES

It’s also a reality that for most in north-east India, there is a far greater connect with so-called mainland India than within the twee construct of Seven Sisters. Photo: Hindustan Times A major gathering in New Delhi on 18 October to discuss issues related to north-east India is timely. Immediacy is provided by the most recent hate crime against a person from that region, that of a student leader of the Kuki tribe from Manipur who was brutally assaulted in Bangalore earlier this week. Alongside racial epithets, he was reminded by his attackers that he was in India, not China. It’s easy to explain it away as an assault by some sick people with deep insecurities, commonplace in a country that could easily receive a Nobel for ethnic and communal turmoil, and gender and socio-economic biases—without mentioning the word north-east. But mention it, and it’s a different ball game. “Kuki?” You might additionally exclaim, “Huh?” And before I can explain the ethnic mix of Manipur: “Ah, that’s where that woman boxer Priyanka Chopra played in Mary Kom comes from.” “Yes, the Kom are a small ethnic group, and…” “How interesting”, you may respond, perhaps thinking of those who showed you to your table in a restaurant serving Indianized Chinese food. Perhaps one such person groomed you at the salon. And then, you may attempt to score a point. “But aren’t they always fighting with India?” Often enough. And India with many of them, since the 1950s indulging in an on-again-off-again indulgence of denying dignity and development, and then applying overwhelming threat, torture, rape, burning, and shooting of thousands upon thousands to preserve the republic, democracy—in the name of making such people her own. In comparison, the application of the hated Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 across vast swathes of that region is like a spring bloom. A Strong Northeast is India’s Asset as a theme for the New Delhi conference is apt. So too is the participation of several achievers from the region, led by Union minister of state for home Kiren Rijiju, and several young legislators, administrators and entrepreneurs. They hope to engage power players and citizens from the National Capital Region on various issues, including how the media has misunderstood the region, and economic growth being the driver of tomorrow. They will probe India’s hoary slogan Unity in Diversity, and talk of re-branding the image of north-east India. Such efforts must be replicated across metropolitan India. Each subject befits discussions on the way ahead, as I underscore at every opportunity, for India’s collective security and prosperity. Each buttresses the point that there can be no meaningful Look East policy by overlooking the North-East. If this region—this under-rated strategic sweet spot—implodes, it will take nearly a seventh of the country with it, and become a permanent feast for geopolitical and geoeconomic hyenas. Of course, north-east India is a volatile stew even without being stirred much by India’s intelligence apparatus, that super cook with a predilection for slice and dice, a play of divide, stall and bribe—and start over. In an ironical admission a couple of months ago, a senior intelligence official in north-east India told me: “We don’t even know where to begin fixing things.” The eastern and western parts of Meghalaya are hardly examples of ideal brotherhood. In Assam, ethnic minorities have been systematically denied development and dignity by the state’s ethnic majorities. Several rebellions have been more against the government of Assam than the government of India. Nagaland, for all the talk of Naga nationhood, is a jostling entity with more than a dozen tribes pushing for dominance. Manipur on a good day resembles a shriller, ultra-compact version of the worst ethno-political aspects of India, with nearly every ethnic group ranged against others, or in uneasy alliances. The domination by the immigrant Bengali of indigenous, non-Bengali Tripuri is an old and continuing travesty of harmony. Mention the word Bru in Mizoram…and so on. It’s also a reality that for most in north-east India, excepting the creamy layers of activism and rebellion, there is a far greater connect with so-called mainland India—for education, jobs, business, political networking, corruption—than within the twee construct of Seven Sisters. But that is no excuse for mandated ignorance and apathy. It is rooted right from hundreds of millions of childhoods, as mainland Indian textbooks ignore key north-east Indian histories, major historical figures, tribes, cultures and even geography beyond the most cursory mention of the Brahmaputra and its plains that help to water and feed much of north-east India and Bangladesh. If the so-called rulers act this way, what of the so-called rabble? Not enough said. Not enough done. Not for a long time yet. Sudeep Chakravarti’s latest book is Clear.Hold.Build: Hard Lessons of Business and Human Rights in India. His previous books include Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite Country and Highway 39: Journeys through a Fractured Land. This column, which focuses on conflict situations in South Asia that directly affect business, runs on Fridays. Respond to this column at rootcause@livemint.com

Read more at: http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/l5QckkGX3fy2yRpRwkaVOL/NorthEast-India-Mandated-apathy.html?utm_source=copy

Update 2011 – Nagalim political scenario

Approximately 4 million in population and comprising more than 45 different tribes, the Nagas are a transnational indigenous people inhabiting parts of north-east India (in the federal states of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Manipur) and north-west Burma (parts of Kachin state and Sagaing division). The Nagas were divided between the two countries with the colonial transfer of power from Great Britain to India in 1947. Nagalim is the name coined to refer to the Naga homeland transcending the present state boundaries, and is an expression of their assertion of their political identity and aspirations as a nation. The Naga people’s struggle for the right to self-determination dates back to the colonial transfer of power from Great Britain to India. Armed conflict between the Indian state and the Nagas’ armed opposition forces began in the early 1950s and it is one of the longest armed struggles in Asia. A violent history has marred the Naga areas since the beginning of the 20th century, and undemocratic laws and regulations have governed the Nagas for more than half a century. In 1997, the Indian government and the largest of the armed groups, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland Isaac-Muivah faction (NSCN-IM), agreed on a cease-fire and since then have held regular peace talks. However, a final peace agreement has not yet been reached. Largely as a result of India’s divide-and-rule tactics, the armed movement was split into several factions fighting each other. In 2010, the reconciliation process among the Nagas of the past years resulted, however, in the formation of a Joint Working Group of the three main armed factions, the NSCN-IM, the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland/National Socialist Council of Nagaland (GPRN/NSCN) and the Naga National Council (NNC).

The peace talks

In late 2010, with the promise of a “comprehensive political package”, the Government of India (GoI) submitted a proposal to the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM). No public comment was made by the NSCN-IM on the proposal but the Joint Working Group (JWG) of the Naga underground factions made it clear that any form of conditional package offered by the GoI would not be acceptable. In 2011, several rounds of political talks took place and one wondered whether any connections would be made to the GoI’s 2010 proposal. The Union Home Secretary, GK Pillai, toured the Naga areas more intensively than before, particularly in Manipur, and kept assuring the people that talks were progressing well. In his tour, he also kept talking of the central government’s many development schemes that were in the pipeline and the funds that were ready to be made available from central government. He also continued to insist that the political solution had to be a consensus among all sections of Naga society and not just an agreement signed between the NSCN-IM and the GoI. This was tricky as it appeared as though the NSCN-IM’s legitimacy to represent the Naga people was being questioned by the GoI. Both the GoI and the NSCN-IM have, from time to time, made diplomatic gestures to the public without disclosing much on the actual substance and progress of the talks. However, in November, a Guwahati-based newspaper, the “Seven Sisters Post” (SSP) carried an article entitled “‘Supra State Body’ likely Christmas gift for Nagas!” This news item was reproduced by many newspapers across North-east India and provoked opposition in some of the states bordering or including Naga territories, especially in Manipur.

The proposal for a supra-state Body

A “Supra-State Body” as the GoI’s final proposal for a settlement of the political conflict came as a surprise when it was published in the Seven Sisters Post (SSP). The SSP reported in early November that the negotiations between the Indian Government and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM) were now in their final stages and that the final settlement envisaged a “special federal relationship” between India and Nagaland and the creation of a “Supra-state Body” for the Nagas to preserve, protect and promote their cultural, social and customary practices.1 The paper further stated that the merger of Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh with the State of Nagaland was likely to provoke huge resistance among the first three states, so Delhi was offering to create the “Supra-State Body”, to which the legal authority and decision-making power of the Naga-populated areas of the above states would be formally transferred. The newspaper outlined the following as the content of the proposal:

  • The basis of the proposal recognizes the “distinct identity” of the Nagas and ensures that nobody will interfere with the lifestyle and dignity of the Naga people.
  • The proposed Supra-State Body will oversee the cultural, traditional and other aspects of Naga life inside Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam.
  • The Supra-state Body will advise the state agencies concerned on the implementation of different development projects in the Naga areas.
  • The Inner Line Regulation2 will be strictly enforced.   Power to oversee law and order, including police and the security aspect of the Naga inhabited areas will rest entirely with the states concerned and central government.

The news report immediately generated critical responses in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, states which border the Nagaland state and which also have substantial Naga populations. Opposition to the alleged “Supra-State Body” was particularly strong in Manipur on account of the fear that it might affect the territorial integrity of the state, and clarifications were demanded from the central government on the factual accuracy of the report. Central government did not deny the report explicitly until the Chief Minister of Manipur flew to New Delhi seeking clarification. On 19 November, the Union Home Minister, P Chidambaram, finally denied the SSP’s report. However, the editor of the SSP insisted that they were in possession of the twelve-page status report on the peace talks that was submitted by the interlocutor R.S. Pandey to the Prime Minister, and which contained reference to the Supra-State Body, and that the paper had also spoken to a top official in the Home Ministry regarding the matter. The NSCN-IM did not confirm or deny the report but scepticism regarding the proposal was expressed when the leaders of the NSCN-IM, NNC and the GPRN/NSCN met during the summit of the Naga Reconciliation on December 3, 2011. The Eastern Mirror reported that: “The signatories said they are… appalled by the so-called ‘Christmas Gift’ in the form of a “Naga Supra State,”… It sought to place on record that Nagas are not seeking or demanding any ‘gift’ from India”.3 The Naga public and civil society were almost silent on the news and showed little sign of excitement. It was obvious that such a proposal would require in-depth examination, plus it had become a habit of the GoI’s authorities and officials to make a statement one day and then deny it the very next. The result is that nobody knows for sure whether the proposal did provide a glimpse of what India was actually going to propose as a solution to the Indo-Naga conflict.

Formation of the High-Level Commission

The Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) continued to organize its reconciliation meetings both within and outside Naga areas. Although it was progressing well, it was taken by surprise when the NSCN Kaplang faction (NSCN-K) split in two in June 2011, one faction led by N Kitovi Zhimomi, General Secretary, and the other by SS Khaplang, Chairman. This meant adding more splinters to the reconciliation efforts. The number of factional conflicts was still high in 2011 but, in what may be considered as the greatest achievement of the reconciliation process so far, the three Naga political groups—the NSCN-IM, NNC and GPRN/NSCN— signed the “Naga Concordant” on August 26, 2011. One of the agreements in the Naga Concordant is to expedite the process of eventually forming one Naga National Government for all. And for this process to follow soon, a High-Level Commission of the three groups was formed comprising the signatories and headed either by the Chairman/President or the General Secretary/Vice President. Further, there will be no less than four competent members at the rank of Kilonser (Minister)/Major General and above, as deemed fit by the respective governments. The other major decision taken was that any interim arrangement of the political rights of the Nagas would be outside of the purview of the Indian Constitution. The meeting also agreed to work for the territorial integration of all Nagas. Through the facilitation of the FNR, the High-Level Commission of the three groups continued to meet to take forward the decisions taken collectively and to affirm their commitment for the unity of the Nagas. It is expected that some bold steps will be taken in early 2012.

The demand for an alternative political arrangement

In 2010, the Nagas inhabiting four hill districts of Manipur termed the Government of Manipur (GoM) a “communal government” and demanded an alternative political arrangement for the Nagas in Manipur until a long-term solution is found to the Indo-Naga political problem (see The Indigenous World 2011). This demand is being led by the United Naga Council (UNC), the apex body of the Nagas in Manipur or Southern Nagalim. In 2011, the UNC made several efforts to realize this 373demand and also made trips to Delhi to meet the central government. However, there is no tangible result as yet and the relationship between the Nagas in Manipur and the GoM remains sour. Manipur’s majority Meitei people and the GoM continue to react negatively whenever the issue of the rights of the Nagas receives some limelight. The situation continues to deteriorate, with endless debates in the media.

Notes and references

1  The Sangai Express, 14 November 2011. http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/sangai-expressnews.php?newsid=10650

2  The Inner Line Regulation was passed during the British colonial rule and continued after independence. Among other things, it restricts the movement of outsiders into tribal areas and prohibits the acquisition of land by non-tribals in these restricted areas.

3  Eastern Mirror, 4 December 2011. Gam A. Shimray is a member of the Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights and is currently working as Assistant to the Secretary General for the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP).

Gam A. Shimray is a member of the Naga Peoples Movement for Human Rights and is currently working as Assistant to the Secretary General for the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP).

True fact Naga history

True fact Naga history: Govt of India has recognized unique history of the Nagas and Political Right of the Nagas on July 11 2001. In 11 september 1951 NNC conducted free and fair plebiscite under A.z. Phizo leadership and the guardian of Indian govt, where 99.9 Nagas voted for a ‘Free Sovereign Naga Nation’.[5] Govt betrayed to NNC. So, there was a boycott of first general election of 1952 which later, extended to boycott all government expansion in Nagalim. Then GOI deploy thousands of military forces to colonize the Nagalim and imposed (Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) -1958) was enforced in our motherland, for 56 years have passed since the draconian law. Equip with this power, there has been so much torture by blue bird operation, killing,rape and suffering rendered upon our people till today. The bilateral agreement of the Government of India and the NSCN on cease-fire made on June 14, 2001, in Bangkok but Indian betray it again.[6] Can we belief to Indian Govt? Shall we live again with this until we all die? No! We should fight for our right based on law of the land and international laws. Come on, we are a rational being. we need to step up and move forward with unity.  One Govt. one taxation is a good policy. True fact; GOI and Nagas have Prime Minister Level peace talk which shows that Naga is different from India because there cannot be two PM in one country. And A.Z. Phizo is the father of a nation for Nagas, whose tomb is standing in high proudly in the heart of Kohima which is clearly recognized by GOI long time back, which shows that Naga is different nation because there couldn’t be two father of a nation in a country. Naga freedom is a matter of time.. Kuknalim!

The Naga peace process by Khekiye K. Sema, has been criticized by Naga intellects

The Naga peace process…The battle for accountability by ACAUT
By Khekiye K. Sema, IAS.
(Though the NSCN (IM) had disqualified me as a nonentity to address the above captioned subject, the Centre for North East Studies and Policy Research, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, did not seem to have shared their views. Therefore the talk was had as scheduled on 5th September 2014. The interaction and discussion with the academicians and journalists present was superbly lively. Since time given to me was not sufficient, (as always) the issues from this written text were condensed, and presented. Take a peek at the full text and judge for yourself)……..

Let me begin by saying that I am not here with the intention of demeaning the Government of India (GoI) nor am I here to glorify the Naga National Movement (NNM). My effort is to paint a fair canvas based on undistorted historical facts on the subject at issue and present it as faithfully as I understand it. Truth often tends to hurt untruth but truth be told.
The Nagas have been struggling to restore their birthright of self determination for the past 67 years. However, the majority living in the mainland India has unfortunately had very less opportunity of exposure to the realities of this desperate struggle where thousands have lost their lives on both sides of the fence on a whim. Over the years, the print media has only helped to hype the violent aspect of the events that had transpired. The salient issues that had caused this violent confrontation have rarely been addressed in depth despite the fact that this is one of the most tragic unsung historical disasters of our time. Thus an over extenuated picture of Nagaland being depicted as a dangerous place continues…doing more harm than good.
It all begins on a misconceived notion that Nagas are rebelling to secede from the Indian Union. I leave it to your conscience to weigh the truth in this assumption with the historical facts in focus. The Nagas were never a part of India from the beginning of time. Nowhere in the recorded history of India would you find even a referential mention of the Nagas of the North East, leave aside being conquered by India. From the Indian context therefore, Nagas did not even exist… in as much as India did not exist, from the stand point of the Nagas. The Nagas enjoyed the truest carefree form of natural freedom from the beginning of time. Each village was a self-contained city state having its own traditional boundaries, its own traditional ways of existence, its distinctive customs and traditions. Each village consisted of a people identified with common customs, traditions and dialect as a homogeneous cluster and each cluster into a Tribe and each Tribe, an independent entity by extension. The internal village administration was governed through their intricate customary laws and fluently practiced barter system of economy.
Then came the British. They had absolutely no colonial design in the hilly Homeland of the Nagas. There was practically nothing of value in these Hills that could remuneratively enhance their Colonial wealth. Their adventure into these hills was solely dictated by the need to protect their serious commercial interests… the tea industry in Assam, which was frequently disrupted by the raids of neighbouring Naga head-hunters. Intermittent skirmishes took place between the Nagas and the British from 1832-1879, which failed to thwart the Nagas from their traditional headhunting sprees into the plains of Assam. Pitched battles were also fought with the Nagas at various sectors, notable amongst which was the battle of Khonoma in 1837 where the British had suffered heavy casualties despite their superior weaponry, while clinching their victory. By 1880, the British were finally able to establish their administrative foothold within the Naga inhabited territories with mutual consent. The British did not have to fight a war with the Nagas for their establishment at: Kohima, Wokha, Mokokchung, Wakching (in the present Mon District) all strategically located to protect the adjoining plains of Assam. Their clear objective was to check the tribal misadventures into the plains. What stands out significantly is the historical fact that not a single annexation treaty had been signed between the Nagas and the British…ever. Aitchinson, a British official of that era, recorded that: “No written treaties or engagements have been made…with the Naga tribes”. (Treaties, Engagement and Sanads, Vol.XII pp 91.1931, relating to India and Neighbouring Countries). The British left the Nagas free without interfering into the routine political, cultural and customary affairs; with just one exception…they determinedly put down the headhunting tradition, perhaps not very much from the standpoint of moral sanctity alone but certainly for the protection of their economic interest in Assam.
Meanwhile, a more refined political awakening beyond the sectoral Tribal independence, based on a broader platform of collective Nagas identity, began to evolve through the formation of the Naga Club in October 1918 that brought many of the major Tribal elders together. It culminated into a full-blooded United Naga declaration by the time the British Statutory Commission headed by Sir John Simon visited Kohima on 10th January 1929. Though the memorandum, submitted to the Simon Commission, was scripted by academic nonentities, they were hardened graduates by life’s experience, in their own rights. They expressed their feelings in simple terms that described the salient philosophy of their times. Due to paucity of time and space let me only share an excerpt of the core content: (Quote) “Our language is quite different from those of the plains and we have no social affinities with the Hindus or Mussalmans. We are looked down upon by the one for “beef” and the other for our “pork” and by both for our want in education, is not due to any fault of ours. Our country is poor and it does not pay for its administration. Therefore, if it is continued to be under the Reformed Scheme, we are afraid that new and heavy taxes will have to be imposed on us, and when we cannot pay, then all lands will have to be sold and in the long run we shall have no share in the land of our birth and life will not be worth living then. Though our land at present is within the British territory, Government have always recognised our private rights in it, but if we are forced to enter the council the majority of whose number is sure to belong to the other districts, we also have much fear the introduction of foreign laws and customs to supersede our own customary laws which we now enjoy. For the above reasons, we pray that the British Government will continue to safeguard our right against all encroachment from other people who are more advanced than us by withdrawing our country that we should not be thrust to the mercy of other people who could never be subjected, but to leave us alone to determine ourselves as in ancient times.” (Unquote). [Clarification: ‘who could never be subjected’ was perhaps intended to mean…’who could never subjugate us’]. In essence, that was the Naga sentiment then and is the broader Nagas sentiment now. The British Government acknowledged the ground reality as expressed by the Nagas and decreed that the Naga country be placed outside the British India as “Naga Hills Excluded Area” under the British India Act 1935. Absorb this historical fact…an ACT…a defined Law. The British Government further appointed the Governor of Assam to look after the affairs of the Naga Hills Excluded Area purely as a ‘care-taker’ in 1937. Through this Act, the ‘Chin Hills Regulation and Bengal Frontier Regulation Act 1873’ was made applicable to the “Naga Hills Excluded Area” as well wherein foreigners including Indian nationals were restricted to enter into the Naga country without a valid Inner-Line permit (ILP). With a minor modification during the post independent era in 1950, this Act was sustained and is still in force. While the British primarily enforced this Act for a monopolistic supremacy in their tea and elephant trade within these regions (and not with the intent of protecting the Tribals from exploitation as is often expounded), the Government of India adopted and continued this restriction for an entirely different objective. Indian Nationals still need ILP to enter Nagaland. We shall revisit this subject as we go along.
With the eminent departure of the colonial British from the Indian Sub-Continent in the horizon, the Nagas became apprehensive of their future destiny. Thus, circumstances compelled them to form their own National Political Organisation called the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946. Despite the fact that the Imperial British Government had sufficiently been sensitised on the stand of the Nagas wanting to be left free to govern themselves in the event of their departure, no definitive response was received. Sir Clement Attlee, who was also a member of the Simon Commission, had now become the Prime Minister of Great Britain. It was during his stewardship that power was transferred to India in 1947. The overwhelmingly subject of the partition of India would have naturally been weighing heavily in his mind. It was understandable therefore, that the problems of the little Nagas would not have measured up to the catastrophic partition pressures at that crucial hour in history. He ignored the Nagas issue. A delegation headed by Mr. A. Z. Phizo, member of the Central Executive, NNC met Mahatma Gandhi at Bhangti Colony, Delhi on 19th July 1947. The Nagas continue to remember the poignant statement of the Mahatma at that meeting: “Nagas have every right to be Independent. We did not want to live under the domination of the British and they are now leaving us. I want you to feel that India is yours. I feel that the Naga Hills are mine just as much as they are yours. But if you say that they are not mine, the matter must stop there. I believe in the brotherhood of man, but I do not believe in force or forced unions. If you do not wish to join the Union of India, nobody will force you to do that”. It is of interest to analyse the honest views of the other key India leaders of that generation at the very inception, before their minds could be tempered by other political considerations. On August 19, 1946, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru defined the status of the Nagas in connection to the proposed British Colony of Couplan Plan in these words: “The tribal Areas are defined as being that long frontier of India which are neither part of India nor Burma, nor of Indian States nor of any foreign power”. During his visit to Shillong on 28th November 1949, H.E. Rajagopalachari, Governor General of India had this to say: “The Nagas have every right to be independent outside the Indian Union” when he met the Naga Delegate. Unfortunately all their statements were left at the feet of ‘personal opinion’ not translated into a National policy. At the earlier stages, the NNC entered into a formal agreement with the Government of India, which came to be known as the Nine Point Agreement, duly signed by Akbar Hydary, the Governor of Assam on behalf of India in June 1947. Apart from all the other clauses therein, the ninth clause had this to say (Quote) “The Governor of Assam as the agent of the Government of India will have a special responsibility for a period of ten years to ensure due observance of this agreement; at the end of this period the Naga National Council will be asked whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period, or a new agreement regarding the future of the Naga people arrived at” (Unquote). Had the Government of India (GoI) not dishonour this agreement, the political scenario would have been entirely different. The other significant fact was that Nagaland was initially placed under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for seven years after attaining Statehood in 1963 to be funded through the Consolidated Fund of India. It was unceremoniously brought under the Internal Affairs Ministry without due process, in the early seventies. It would not be wrong to conclude that the expressed sentiment of the leaders, the 9 points agreement (though dishonoured) and the placement of Nagaland under Foreign Affairs, all amply define the uncontaminated honest understanding and appreciation of the Nagas’ rightful political status before the colonial disease corrupted the Indian political thoughts.
There is no official document certifying that the British specifically handed over the Naga Territories to India. However, their silence on this subject provided India with a fertile assumptive status of an owner over all the British colonial territories after their departure. The logical stand of the Nagas was that there was no real necessity for the British to redefine the status of the Nagas which was already sufficiently defined through their British India Act 1935… NAGA HILLS EXCLUDED AREA. India went one step further by incorporating the Eastern Naga inhabited area bordering Myanmar as well, which was UN-ADMINISTERED FREE NAGA AREA even during the British Raj. Prime Minister Nehru displayed a total lack of respect for the Nagas as human beings. He arbitrarily dissected the Naga territories with Myanmar on a watershed principle without ascertaining the geographical ground reality. Longwa, a border Konyak Naga Village bears the brunt of this heartless dispensation. The Indo-Myanmar international boundary runs right through the middle of the Angh’s (Chief) house. This Chief therefore, crosses the International boundary every other minute without a passport. Now consider this: If the Prime Minister of India was earnestly claiming his own, it shows poor sense of ownership to have abandoned and disowned many more Nagas villages lying beyond this arbitrary international boundary. In effect he disdainfully dealt with this issue on a ‘no-man’s land’ theory where Nagas as a people did not merit a consultation. The lack of depth and disrespect for the Nagas in the Indian thinking process continued further with no serious homework being undertaken during the post Independent era. They blindly and arbitrarily adopt the British policy of fragmenting and segmenting portions of the Naga inhabited areas into Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Myanmar. Apart from the self determination issue, the Nagas have therefore, been claiming that all the Naga inhabited areas must be brought under the same administrative umbrella, which also finds a legitimate mention at Clause 13 in the 16 Points Agreement at the time when Nagaland was made the 16th State in the Indian Union in 1963. While the Naga Political Groups (NPGs) continue to condemn this 16 Point Agreement as a betrayal, to this day, the insincerity on the part of the GoI to enact an agreement and then dishonour it even before the ink is dry, has only helped to accentuate the unreliable, dishonourable character of a Nation. It has lead to a counterproductive loss of faith and trust in the Indian system.
Anyway, with the final departure of the British from India, the Nagas hoisted their National flag on the 14th of August 1947, a day before the India Independence. The political tide was fast evolving into a tsunami. History was thrown out of the window. The Government of India was guided by a serious misconception that the rustic uneducated Nagas were incapable of comprehending the meaning of a complete Independence. They surmised that the Naga National Movement was being instigated and misled by some foreign Missionaries along with a handful of educated Nagas. They confidently believed that this movement could be crushed within a few months. It was a costly miscalculation as events have proven. It prompted the NNC to conduct a free and fair plebiscite to disprove the Indian misconception. This was by no means a secret exercise. India too was openly invited to send their observers. However, the level of looking down upon the Naga academic intellect was so glaringly low from the start within the policy making hierarchy of the Government of India that they literarily failed to perceive the robust inborn intelligence and patriotic sentiment of the Nagas, weaned through the ages. Thus the significance of this exercise was completely lost within the confines of indifference and belief that the outcome would be nothing more than negative. 16th May 1951 stands out as a historic landmark in the annals of the Naga Political Movement. This was the day that the Nagas endorsed their mandate on sovereignty with thumping 99.9% votes, anointing the NNC to steadfastly move forward on this moral platform, come what may. The first resultant impact was the outright rejection of the Indian Election of 1952. The GoI was left to count the empty ballot boxes. The overwhelming plebiscite mandate and the boycott of the election finally woke up the Government of India and stirred up a chain of events that proved costly both for India and the Nagas. The Para-military forces were steadily replaced by a full-fledged Army deployment and storm was ultimately unleashed against the Nagas. “Scorch Earth” policy became the flagship of military operation. Almost all the Villages and granaries (the only wealth of the Nagas) in Nagaland were torched and razed to the ground in their effort to cut off the supply line to the National Workers. Nagaland became the killing field…as all hell broke loose. Despicable inhuman atrocities were committed by the Indian Army without a stitch of remorse. Naga women were raped at will by the Indian Army; able bodied Nagas were butchered without any legitimate reason… applying the same philosophy of the American Wild West that “the only Good Indian is a dead Indian(native Red Indians)”; Bullet riddled corpses of the Naga National Workers (NNW) were openly displayed in public places to warn other Nagas; sadistic acts of hanging the captured NNGs upside down, rub in salt and chilli in the deliberately sliced wound on the body, torturing them for hours to finally bayonet them to death; The family people were often times not even allowed to retrieve their dead and the corpses were left for stray dogs to ravish; Brutal and sadistic interrogation methods were deployed by placing live wires on the genitals; Churches were desecrated, with rapes and murders being committed within its confines and torched. Concentration camps called “Grouping” sprouted all over Nagaland, herding 5-6 villages together… men, women and children… into enclosures without any sanitation or proper shelter…unfit even for animal habitation; It was akin to the Nazi treatment of the Jews, only with a minor difference. It was mercifully minus the gas chamber but the diseases and mall nourishment did an equal job of it. (In my youth, I too happen to have been a living witness to one of this concentration camp at Lokobomi Village in Zunheboto District). Every conceivable and inconceivable cruelty was perpetrated against the Nagas without remorse or pity that even animals did not deserve. Each act of cruelty meant to dampen the free spirit of the Nagas however generated an immensely reverse reaction instead. It ignited the fire of liberty further and the Nagas fought back with a more ferocious commitment and vengeance. Many a father replaced their martyred son with another without a second thought, those brutal days. Such was the intensity, the pride and sacrifice of the masses for the National cause. The Indian Army got away with all these inhuman atrocities on two counts: because of the Armed Forces Special Power Acts 1953 (AFSPA), 1959, Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 and ILP. Take a glimpse of the AFSPA. The Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR) had this to say: “For instance section 4 of the Act provides the armed forces down to the rank of a non-commissioned officer, the power to shoot to kill; to enter and search and arrest without warrant, any person against reasonable suspicion that exists that he has committed or is about to commit a cognisable offence. The Act requires prior sanction of the Central Government for instituting legal proceedings against any persons in respect of anything done in exercise of the powers (section 6). There is no provision to see whether a particular act is lawful under the disturbed area situation. The condition provided in this section makes it almost impossible for anyone to seek redressal of grievances or legal protection against violation of their fundamental rights. These provisions under section 4 and 6 provide the security personnel, legal immunity to commit any crime against the people”. My question is this: No matter what the provocation, how can a modern democratic country like India perpetuate insane, inhuman Laws such as this on a people at this time and age? Have the Indian masses been deprived of moral conscience to remain silent as they watch the commission of these crimes against humanity? Do the masses consider such stories as a distant fairy tale unrelated to them? What has the Nation got to say about this? Nagaland was a forbidden zone for both the National and the International press. The Army’s inhuman atrocities in Nagaland were never allowed to be broadcast in the National or International dallies….thanks to the Inner Line Regulation. Like the British, this Inner Line Regulation was never intended to be a regulation for protecting the Nagas from exploitation even by the GoI. It was used as a handy tool by the GoI to blackout the news and thereby avert condemnation of the International community and keeping its own people blinded in the Mainland. This one sided game is still being played without a change of rules. Judge the fairness in it all even if it is to strangers.
With the continuous atrocities and intimidation inflicted against the civilian population by the Indian security forces, the NNC, a non-violent organization, was left with no further option but to form a National Government called the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN) on 22nd March 1956. The FGN began the exercise of raising its own army in earnest. It created the Safe Guard in 1956, which subsequently evolved into Naga Home Guard and finally the Naga Army for the defence of the Naga country. Nagaland was converted into a full scale undeclared war zone. Though Nagaland had become a full fledged State by 1963, violence continued unabated. It prompted the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) to broker cease fire which became effective on 6th September 1964. During this period of relative lull, continuous talks were undertaken between the GoI and FGN culminating in a six rounds of Prime Ministerial level talk which however broke down in a stalemate. In his recently published book “Hails and Blames” Page 146, Mr. Scato Swu, the then President of the FGN, recounts the last and final round of talk on 7th October 1967: (Quote) Prime Minister Indira Gandhi offered “Mr. Sukhai, take everything but not sovereignty”. Prime Minister Sukhai’s response to the offer was “I shall not take everything but sovereignty” (Unquote).
In 1972 the GoI unilaterally abrogated the cease fire and Nagaland was once more plunged into a dangerously volatile chaos. During this very trying time the Naga National Movement suffered its greatest setback. The infamous Shillong Accord of 1975 was signed on 11th November between the GoI and the representatives of the NNC. From this point onwards the NNM plunged into an abyss, mired in confusion and controversies every step of the way. Critical mistakes were made without exception but no one had the courage to own up to it. Defending the indefensible became the inherent pastime, with NNC in the lead. The root cause was the Clause No.1 of the damning Shillong Accord of 1975. It stated that (Quote): “The representative of the underground organization conveyed their decision, of their own volition, to accept, without condition, the Constitution of India.” (Unquote). This one little sentence was the straw that broke the back of the Naga National Movement (NNM). The event that that followed was a heartbreaking spectacle. The NFG officially reviewed this ‘capitulation’ agreement for several days, agreed to implement Clause No.2 (concerning arms surrender) with Clause No.1 and 3 officially being forwarded to Mr. Phizo, the President of the NNC (who was by now settled in London) for his final verdict on the subjects. He did not respond to the NFG. Repeated plea to Mr. Phizo to denounce and condemn the Accord by Mr. Isak Swu and Mr.Th. Muivah also drew blank. Mr. Phizo kept absolutely silent….the costliest silence of all times, which triggered an internal volcanic eruption that irrevocably changed the Nagas political landscape. In 1980, National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was born, led by Mr. Isak, Mr. Th. Muivah and Mr. SS Khaplang in order to keep the flame of NNM alive. While the spirit of wanting to keep the National aspiration alive is not in question, the question that continues to trouble the fairer Naga mind is: Did Mr. Isak and Mr. Muivah try hard enough to keep the existing United House intact by exhausting every other hard options like impeachment of Mr. Phizo, or invoking the power of the Naga National Parliament to condemn Shillong Accord rather than take the path of least resistance and launch the NSCN? After all, Mr. Phizo was not above the Naga National Parliament. Those efforts of having done all that were possible and yet fail would have placed NSCN on a more comfortable moral platform that people would gladly identify with. In the road that was taken, the Nagas did to themselves what the GoI failed to achieve for decades…divide the house and self destruct the momentum of the NNM.
The complex political intrigues and suspicion further led NSCN to fragment into NSCN (IM)[Isak/Muivah] and NSCN(K) [Khaplang]. With the Family Planning philosophy becoming redundant, the floodgate was blown wide open for Factional population explosion. The egocentric creation of Factions was the fashion now in style. We have the following Factions in the fray: (1). NNC (Accordist); (2). NNC (Non-Accordist); (3). NSCN (IM); (4). NSCN (K); (5). NSCN (Unification); and (6). NSCN (Kitovi/Shingya), all professing their commitment as warriors of sovereignty. Are the Nagas fighting for 6 different types of sovereignty or is it just for one? If it is for that one and only one sovereignty then how will the Factions explain their multiple existences? The Factions must understand that the people of Nagaland have matured sufficiently to see through their ‘sovereignty’ smokescreen which in practice simply means “Tax turf sovereignty”. No matter what their explanation, the one thing that stands out unambiguously is the fact that the once honourable and united house has lost its sheen and the Factional population explosion has vitiated the political atmosphere beyond recognition. Each Faction takes a higher moral ground while keeping their feet solidly planted in the gutter and slaughtering one another to protect this precious tax turf sovereignty that is bleeding the people dry.
Each Faction proclaims that the public mandate is on their side and reinforces their argument with tax being paid to them by the public as an evidence of this support. What the Factions knowingly ‘fail’ to perceive is that the public are no longer paying tax to them but to AK 47. The impression of “Mafia” is more the picture that the people see being painted large on the canvas. Those times when the masses looked up and hero worshipped the National Workers, willingly giving their all, is an honourable chapter of Naga history which has silently been closed with a tear. In its place is the palpable fear for the Factions instead, in the hearts of every breathing Naga. The rampant multiple taxation being taken against the same goods, at the State entry gates, the godowns and finally the retail outlets; the despicable syndicate system on every conceivable commodity in the market controlled by handful of their blue eyed henchmen, has all contributed to throttle the economy of the people. The brains of the Factions are still on an overdrive searching for every possible excuse to tax the citizens, causing serious ripple effect in its wake. It has critically impacted on every family across the board and is being suffered in silence. Thus far, no one had had guts to call spade a spade for fear of having an AK 47 nightmare. Things had come to a head with the stench of this irrational, out of control ‘sovereignty greed’ overflowing into the marketplace. The Dimapur Chambers of Commerce (DCC) could no longer keep this market crippling burden under wraps. On 27 May 2013 some of its members brought the issue to the Dimapur Naga Council (DNC). A meeting of all the business communities, all other NGOs, including Student bodies and the Naga Women’s Hoho was convened by DNC to review the issue. The outcome of their deliberation was the formation of an Action Committee Against Unabated Taxation (ACAUT) in an unanimous acknowledgement of the fact that this foul system was ruining everyone’s lives. The members of ACAUT mainly consisted of young entrepreneurial enthusiast, all actively leading their respective trade organizations. When their formation and objectives hit the news stand it created a sigh of relief in almost all corners of Nagaland not because of any action they had already taken but because the long pent up emotions of oppression being suffered by all was at last being highlighted in the open. ACAUT declared that all market mal practices of the Naga Political Groups (NPGs) would be brought under scrutiny to transparently be shared in the public domain, that from this point on, they would only pay one tax to all the factions. While applauding their stand in general, this one tax for all factions was out of tune with ground reality. The core issue was the existence of so many independent factions raising their greed tax that the Nagas could least afford, was more the focus. The public would be encouraging factionalism rather than have them unite. I decided to address this subject in the local media arguing that one tax to all factions does not reduce the tax burden neither does it optimise the peace process with that many factions in the fray. The need of the hour is to have one united NNM to deal with a stronger adversary. The only way to achieve this possibility was to pay one tax to one Naga National Government. The Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) has made the same clarion call to all the NPGs to unite through Christian principles of forgiveness and reconciliation which, without doubt is the best approach. However, with all the financial resources at their respective command, money is all the Factions see, not forgiveness or reconciliation. Since money is the only commodity that keeps the factions operational, it was opined that the real source must be addressed…stop paying tax to all Factions until they unite. On 31st October 2013, ACAUT adopted “one Government, one tax” as their resolution in this rally. They also adopted two other resolutions requesting the State Government to set up a High Powered Committee to tackle the issue of corruption perpetuated by the NPGs. It including the State Government machinery, considered to be the less visible 7th Faction, armed with pens in their case, but equally corrupt if not more; and the final resolution to generate mass pressure to wake up the Government of India to speed up the peace process. The endorsement of the masses who attended the rally (over 35-40 thousand strong) was loud and clear. Mass rallies have since been conducted in all the District HQs with an equivalently enthusiastic response to the slogan of “One Govt. One tax”. What needs to be clarified here is the misinterpretation by the GoI that the people of Nagaland have now abandoned the NPGs and the sovereignty issue. This is furthest from the truth. All that the people want is for the NPGs to unite. The people have no reservation to pay tax and to support one united NNM. All that they desperately want is to relieve themselves of this insane burden of multiple taxation in the name of sovereignty. Period. Even the NPGs have been misreading ACAUT as being anti-national. This too is a greed guided interpretation of a poor quality. ACAUT cannot be more Nationalistic than this when they want all the NPGs to unite for a greater cause beyond their own and for which the people would gladly pay tax. It is for the NPGs to review their money driven conscience and appreciate desire of the masses for them to unite. After all, their very existence would be meaningless without the masses. ACAUT has been steadily gaining momentum a mass movement. The pressure of more and more corruption issues surfacing caused ACAUT to rethink about its name and decided to rechristen it as Against Corruption And Unabated Taxation while retaining the original acronym. Remarkable retaliatory actions of the charged public against NPGs’ highhanded tax demand in their respective areas have been carried out without reservations as never before. Questions of accountably as to how their taxes are being utilised are slowly but surely upping the ante. The public is well aware that the majority of the big fish amongst national workers, who were simple commoners when they joined the cadres, are now flagrantly displaying their self indulgent ways without any compunction, in the name of sovereignty. The comparative helplessness of the common man’s economic suffering on the other hand is slowly driving the simmering resentment to the surface. Now or later this undercurrent bottled up anger amongst the citizens will surely erupt unless the NPGs correct their arrogant misdemeanours and reconcile.
The reason for FNR and ACAUT sending out a clear strong signal to the NPGs to unite is obvious. The days for battling the Indian Army are over. The Government of India has sufficiently realised over the years that it would be a futile exercise to try and subdue the Nagas through Army intervention and have officially declared it as a political issue requiring a political solution. The GoI has also gone a step further by acknowledging the “unique history” of the Nagas. These are all very positive developments. It is for the NNW to appreciate the changed circumstances and deal with the subject collectively and intelligently in the like manner. The Government of India has made it amply clear that ‘sovereignty’ and ‘integration’ is not negotiable. If so, the immediate question directed towards the NSCN (IM), being the only Faction spearheading the negotiated settlement with the GoI as of now, is: what is NSCN (IM) negotiating about, minus the two major issues of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘integration’, then? As a serious stakeholder, the public are claiming their right to be enlightened about the context of the negotiation which is inextricably linked to their destiny. The NSCN (IM) is unable to comply for fear of premature confrontation if the content of the negotiation agenda is made public. The most important factor here is for the NSCN (IM) to understand that with so many Factions afloat, it would be difficult for them to bring home a lasting solution on their own. Undermining all the other Factions will be a fatal miscalculation. Everyone is clearly aware that each Faction is continuously raising taxes, recruiting and increasing their cadre strength and purchasing arms and ammunition as they are. If the final settlement is anything less than ‘sovereignty’ and ‘integration’ other Factions would be certain to refuse to endorse the outcome, knowing full well that even they would not be able to achieve anything better than what NSCN(IM) has brought home. Keeping the subject of sovereignty alive would seemingly legitimise the continued existence of all other Factions beyond NSCN (IM)’s solution, if only to ensure that their ‘money river’ does not run dry. That would leave NSCN (IM) with very less option but to resolve these internal differences through the barrel of a gun yet again. It becomes a dreadful consequence if the Nagas are plunged into another civil war within our own kitchen. The saner option is therefore to exercise a collective wisdom of all the Factions by uniting as one and resolving the vexed issue as one. No matter what the outcome thereafter, there would be no residue of dissenting voice left behind and lasting solution would be final once for all. That would truly be a happy conclusion that would be blessed by the masses. To achieve such a conclusion, NSCN (IM) would need to climb down from their lofty perch and acknowledge the existence of other Factions through forgiveness and reconciliation and show the bigness of heart to UNITE. “Christian principle” will surely find a rational acceptable way through “National principle” if there is a will. All we have to do is search for an honourable way with a clean, forgiving heart…remembering that all have sinned. It is here that the truest spirit of “Nagaland for Christ” becomes all the more meaningful rather than blasphemously use this phrase only for the collection of tax with life threats attached. Use it for UNITY!
MAY THE GOOD LORD GUIDE US SAFELY HOME.

NOTE; Khekiye K. Sema BELIEF IN HISTORICAL & POLITICAL RIGHT OF THE NAGAS BUT HE CAN’T SERVES TO TWO MASTERS, SO HE CHOICE GOVT. OF INDIA AND CRITICIZED TO NSCN. HOWEVER, NAGAS YOUNGSTERS SUPPORT TO THE NATIONAL WORKERS WHO FOUGHT FOR NAGA’S SOVEREIGNTY & HE WAS CRITICIZED BY NAGAS SCHOLAR DELHI.

NAGAS ARE ONE FAMILIES;

Nagaland Nagas and Nagas residing in other state: The mentality of divisionism between Nagas from Ngaland and Nagas residing in other state is the political construction. It is successful when it’s hit directly to those who are weak and will be continue until we understand Indo-Naga Political History. Congress led government trying to solved Nagas problem by using “divided and rule policy” along money power as a meant of development since 1950, and the Indian intellects and Nagas intellects know that Nagas residing in Nagaland get more benefit from Naga Couse; however, most of the educated youngster want to find the reasonable solution by knowing the fact of the virus transplanted by government of India. I will rather suggest to share our Ideas, opinions, interests, problems, talents, and remain Naga as one in this group, let every Naga who residing in different state, cities and countries get benefited from this group.

Thanks